Code-Switching in Algerian TV Talk Shows: An Analysis Based on Auer's Model of Conversational Analysis

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1. Introduction

Researchers in the Linguistics discipline have always been involved in and concerned with understanding why people employ code-switching. Additionally, there has been a great interest in analysing the functions of code-switching and investigating what these functions reveal about speakers’ language proficiency and/or preferences. Among other countries where speakers employ code-switching, Algeria stands out for its speakers’ ability to implement code-switching in their daily formal or informal conversations as a normal and natural habit. This intrinsic linguistic phenomenon exists and occurs in the context of Algeria’s multilingual society, where speakers bring into play not only different languages but distinct language varieties. Generally, researchers worldwide have determined that the linguistic phenomenon of code-switching is an essential aspect of people’s daily communication and interaction. Most importantly, the deep-rooted contact between French and Arabic represents a major factor in framing Algeria’s present complex linguistic situation where numerous patterns of language alternation are naturally manifested. These patterns may be observed in different settings, from daily conversations in the local cafés to interactions in social media, TV talk shows, and soap operas. The increasing interest in code-switching has led scholars from various fields like anthropology, linguistics, and sociology to conduct numerous research projects on the phenomenon, thus generating a vast selection of viewpoints and justifications for people’s choice of one variety over the other.

This present paper aims to provide an overview of the functions of Arabic-French code-switching in conversation in two Algerian popular TV talk shows, namely Djelssa Ou Nssa (Women’s session) on EchouroukTV and Qa’datna Jazairiya (Our Algerian Gathering) on SamiraTV from a micro linguistic perspective through a turn-by-turn language examination. Numerous studies on Algeria’s code-switching offer a macro perspective, such that they focus on the sociolinguistic aspects of speakers’ language attitudes. However, the sequential internal analysis of Algerians’ interactions in the above-mentioned TV talk shows will aim to provide a better understanding of speakers’ not only language preferences but also proficiency by considering their code choices and code negotiation (Auer, 1998).  Therefore, to give an account of the conversational role of code-switching and explain how language alternation is employed in Algerian TV talk shows, Auer’s (1984) Conversational Analytic model will be adopted. The present study attempts to address the following two research questions:

1.      How do Algerian speakers negotiate Arabic and French when they interact in TV talk shows?

2.      What does code-switching in Algerian TV talk shows tell us about Algerian speakers’ code preferences and proficiency?

2. Background of the study

2.1 Languages of Algeria

Multilingualism creates an exceptional space for extensive research in many sociolinguistic phenomena across Africa. Algeria is home to a little over 45 million people, according to the most recent demographic statistics from the Office National des Statistiques in 2022. The officially recognised languages of Algeria are Modern Standard Arabic (MSA) and Berber. Two significant points should be noted regarding these. Firstly, Algerians tend to disregard the diglossic element of Arabic, attributing the term ‘Arabiya (Arabic) to both MSA and the local dialect Darja (Algerian Arabic or AA). It will, however, be crucial to distinguish between the two when considering this present study. Secondly, it is worth mentioning that the term Imazighen is what many Algerians prefer to use in reference to the Berber languages, where the latter is a term used to cover a broad umbrella for the language itself. Furthermore, the French occupation, which lasted for 132 years, has played a crucial role in Algeria’s current complex sociolinguistic context. Although it is not officially recognised, French is deeply rooted in Algeria’s existing linguistic profile and has remained a colonial legacy. As a result, present-day Algeria is linguistically characterised by three predominant language groups, namely Arabophones, Berberophones and Francophones. (Benrabah, 2014: 45)

Nevertheless, the focus of this study will be mainly on Arabic-French functional code-switching.

2.2 Terminology: Code-switching

Clyne (cited in Balamoti 2010:3) mentions that “vagueness in terminology can influence the results of research”. Milroy and Muysken (1995:92) also describe the field as “replete with a confusing range of terms descriptive of various aspects of the phenomenon.” While some researchers in the field find no issue in the interchangeability of the terms code and language, others have taken a clear stand on seeing the two as different (Gafaranga and Torras, 2001). It should be noted that for the purpose of this study, the two terms are interchangeable and will be used as such. Thus, Arabic and French are codes or languages with distinct linguistic structures. While code-switching has been given many definitions in the literature, it is important to mention Gumperz (1982: 59), who proposes a general definition where code-switching is “the juxtaposition within the same speech of exchange of passages of speech belonging to two different grammatical systems or subsystems.” Additionally, Auer (1999:310) offers his view on the use of the term and states that code-switching shall refer to “those cases in which the juxtaposition of two languages is perceived and interpreted as a locally meaningful event by participants”.

Overall, researchers’ endeavours to provide a unanimously agreed-upon definition of the linguistic phenomenon of code-switching have been unsuccessful so far. As a result, they will either develop a new model or attach themselves to an existing framework. This present paper is positioned within Auer’s framework of Conversational Analysis, where code-switching is not necessarily a result of the speaker’s social motivation but instead of the sequential aspect of the interaction between speakers.

3.    Literature review of conversational code-switching

The linguistic phenomenon of code-switching has been investigated from various perspectives. The conversational analytic framework was first introduced by Auer (1984, 1988) in a study on code-switching of Italian immigrant workers’ children living in Constance, Germany. Based on Auer’s findings, we notice that on some occasions, code-switching shows a somewhat imbalanced code competence; on other occasions, it shows a preference for one code over another. His study also proposes that language alternation can reveal distinct conversational tasks when bilingual speakers interact, such as self-repair, emphasis, remark, reiteration, additional elaboration on a viewpoint and topic shifts. Additionally, Auer also discovered that language alternation may indicate a change in the conversational setting (e.g., formal to informal settings) and, most importantly, that it suggests a pattern of language negotiation based on a speaker’s proficiency and preference. In essence, Auer argues that language alternation should be studied in the context of conversation cues, and thus, a micro-analysis of code-switching should be employed. Similarly, Gumperz (1982:131) agrees that code-switching is an indicator of “what the activity is, how semantic content is to be understood and how each sentence related to what precedes or follows.” However, Gumperz and Auer’s approaches to the contextualisation cues model differ. Gumperz argues that a speaker’s ability to interpret the participant’s messages that emerge through code-switching relies entirely on the social meaning of the code. Conversely, Auer (1998) believes that the meaning can only be interpreted through the sequential analysis of code-switching. His model (1984, 1995, 1998) proposes that

there is a level of conversational structure in bilingual speech which is sufficiently autonomous both from grammar (syntax) and from the larger societal and ideological structures to which the languages in question and their choice for a given interactional episode are related. The partial autonomy of conversational structure in code-switching is shown, for example, by the fact that switching is more likely in certain sequential positions than in others. . . It is also shown by the many ways in which code switching can contextualise conversational activities, for examples on the level of participant constellation, topic management, the structure of narratives, etc. (1998:4).

In his study, Auer discusses two distinct types of code-switching. On the one hand, he states that discourse-related code-switching is used “to organise the conversation by contributing to the interactional meaning of a particular utterance.” (1998:4). On the other hand, preference or participant-related code-switching relies on extra-conversational knowledge.

Researchers like Alfonzetti (1998) and Li (1998) have also conducted their studies within the conversation analytic framework where similar findings have been revealed. For instance, Alfonzetti (1998) investigates the Italian-dialect code-switching in Catania, Sicily, from a corpus of approximately 14 hours of tape-recorded speech. She mentions that

code switching may be meaningful simply because of the contrast it creates between two stretches of speech, marking a change in the conversational context, such as, say, a change in topic, in participant constellation or in the key of discourse, in a way which is entirely or largely independent of the social values of the two codes. (1998:106-107)

Bailey (2000) reveals similar findings in his conversational analysis of code-switching among Dominican American high school students. He argues that speakers do not rely on symbolic social motivations while highlighting that many of the code-switching instances offer an account of the speakers’ ability to “give meaning to code switches by using them as communicative resources to get the work of everyday talk and interaction done.” (2000:167)

Similarly, his study shows that by employing code-switching, Dominican American speakers achieve tasks such as agreeing or disagreeing, reiteration, self-repair, and attracting attention triggered “by spatially and temporally local behavior” (2000:169).

In a more recent study, Al-Masaeed (2013) investigates Arabic-English code-switching in the context of one-to-one sessions in a study abroad program in Morocco. Al-Masaeed uses both the markedness model proposed by Myers-Scotton (1993) and Auer’s conversational approach to determine the functions of code-switching. He determines that the conversation analysis approach reveals that code-switching is employed for “(1) quotations and reported speech; (2) reiteration (for clarification); (3) change of participant constellation (selection of addressee); (4) language play; and (5) language negotiation.” (2013:11)

Overall, Auer’s model of conversational code-switching highlights the sequential dimension of code-switching and aims to explain this phenomenon by investigating the preceding and succeeding conversation units.

4.  Methodology

The conversational data for this paper is taken from two popular Algerian TV talk shows: Djelssa Ou Nssa (Women’s session) on EchouroukTV and Qa’datna Jazairiya (Our Algerian Gathering) on SamiraTV. Two episodes of the above-mentioned talk shows were chosen and downloaded from YouTube. It should be noted that the selection of the talk shows was motivated by their popularity in Algeria. The total length of the episode selected from Qa’datna Jazairiya (Our Algerian Gathering) is 1:46:22. For this study, an excerpt has been selected (12:17-22:18) as the researcher has found various essential instances of language alternation and negotiation among speakers. Similarly, an excerpt (0:00-10:00) was extracted from the full length (1:00:37) of the episode from Djelssa Ou Nssa (Women’s session). Furthermore, the researcher believes the selected episodes provide an accurate context for code-switching in Algeria based on their premiere dates, namely 23rd March 2023 and 31st October 2023. This is the sole motivation for selecting these particular episodes. The participants in the selected TV talk shows are Algerian bilinguals who belong to various social and professional categories, such as TV show presenters, journalists, singers, and social media influencers. Additionally, in terms of the interpretation of both the language produced and cultural aspects discussed in these excerpts, the researcher relies on their personal cultural knowledge and multilingual proficiency (e.g., Algerian Arabic, Modern Standard Arabic and French) acquired in numerous travels to Algeria in a time span of six years.

Therefore, the extracts shall be transcribed, translated into English, and added to digital cards. These cards will also include important information about the selected extracts (e.g., episode titles, timeframe, broadcast channel, premiered dates, information about the speakers, functions of code-switching identified, body language, prosodic cues, etc.). In the examples provided in the data analysis section, Algerian Arabic shall be transcribed using the Roman script with a translation immediately below. In addition, the language-of-interaction (Auer, 1984) will be shown in standard font, and the code switches will be marked in italics. Before each example, a brief description of the participants (including their names and any relevant information) will be provided. Then, in the examples, initials that correspond to the participants’ names will be used.

Lastly, the sequential dimension of code-switching lies at the foundation of all necessary analytic steps taken during data analysis (e.g., on language negotiation, competence, preference, aspects of turn-taking, prosodic cues and so on).

4.    Data Analysis and discussion

Seven extracts have been analysed following Auer’s Conversational Analysis model. These extracts have been examined sequentially to determine the functions of code-switching in Algerian TV talk shows. Additionally, the turn-by-turn examination of these extracts aims to investigate how speakers negotiate code usage in conversations. Each transcribed[1] extract includes the original utterance accompanied by an interlinear glossary and an English translation. The French utterances are marked by italics.

Extract 1

Host:

n-araheb            kadhalik    b-el-haraf-een            elli      rahom hadr-een       m3a-na   

1SG-welcome.PRS         also         with-DEF-guest-PL     that    they     present-PL  with-us   

el-leyla         el-firq-a                     el-musiq-iy-a           w         kadhalik   shab-a-t          tawana

DEF-night     DEF-group.FEM      DEF-musical.FEM     and     also           young-FEM-PL     our

li         rahom   m3a-na      fi    had    el-mowsem  es-sades.   

that    they      with-1us     in   this    DEF-season   DEF-six     

Aydhan ma       n-sit                       hatta    wahed sheykh?

also      NEG   1SG-forget.PST      even     one      sheykh?

{I also welcome our guests that are with us tonight, the musical group and also our young girls that are with us in this sixth season. Also::: ((host stumbles and turns to guest)) I didn’t forget anyone, sheykh?}

Guest : La.la.    vous        avez                    tout::

                 no no  you-PL    have-2PL.PRS       all

{No, no, you have all::}

= Host: Aa::  Kolesh

                                    {All}

Guest: Tres   bien.

            {Very   good.}

The host uses a mix of MSA (kadhalik and aydhan) with AA when introducing the guests of the show. She often looks at her cards which indicates a sort of scripted speech rules she abides to when introducing a new topic. This is suggested by the host’s attempt to start a new utterance marked by the MSA word aydhan. However, she turns to the guest and stutters before she switches to AA and asks if she had forgotten anyone. The guest’s turn starts with AA, but the code is immediately switched to FR (vous avez tout:::). The guest’s long pause results into the host taking over in AA to repeat the utterance. In Auer’s context of the Italian immigrants in Constanza, Germany, this type of code switching is defined as “a momentary lack of competence” in the first language and a higher competence in the other language. It may also be a case of reformulation for the audience where the host provides the AA equivalent. In this example, the guest concludes with a final turn switching back to FR, showing agreement with the host’s choice of AA. This section shows a clear example of sequential subordination where speakers switch between codes to mark the opening and closing of sequences. The host’s use of the AA equivalent for everything, signals a return into the previous sequence where the guest had used FR. Furthermore, both speakers coordinate their utterances to arrive simultaneously at the conclusion that the show may now begin since the host had introduced all the guests.

Extract 2

Guest :

Smah-li,         ana     mani           kbir,    mani     sheykh.  Je    suis  un      simple…

excuse-me       I       NEG              big       NEG    sheykh.   I     am   a     simple

{Excuse me, I am not big, I am not a sheykh, I am a simple…}

Host:     =La la,   jeune

              {No no, young}

[Guest: non non,

             {No no}

[Host: sheykh, el- ihtiram…

                         sheykh   DEF-respect

                         {Sheykh, the respect…}

[Guest :  la     la,   je  suis       un      simple     chanteur,  medah             bark .

               no no    I     am       a          simple    singer,       street-singer    only

{No no, I am a simple singer, a street singer only.}

In this example, the guest wishes to humble himself and corrects the host, mentioning that he does not think of himself as a sheykh in the music industry. Note that the word sheykh is used to indicate a speaker’s showing of honour or respect to an addressee, where the latter is considered a master in a certain domain.[2] In this extract, the participants employ code-switching to perform two distinct tasks namely reiteration and elaboration. The guest switches to FR in an attempt to mention that he is a simple singer. In his first utterance, the long pause after Je suis un simple may indicate a struggle to find the right phrase in AA. The host seems to think the guest has misunderstood and has been offended by the previous use of the AA word kbir (which can mean old or big) and immediately proceeds to self-repair. However, the guest’s immediate turn-taking in FR indicates disagreement. As a result of this, the guest makes a second attempt to elaborate further on their own code choice. An essential point to this turn-taking is the untranslatability of the AA word medah (street singer) into FR. Thus, the guest’s final switch to AA indicates an attempt to self-repair and elaborate.

Extract 3

Guest 1: Heya t-3aref                            mlih.

                she   3Sg.FEM-know.PRS      good

((Guest 1 looks at Guest 2)) {She knows well.}

Host: Justement, ki         n-dour                Nabila    ha-t-goul-i                            sheykh.

           exactly         when  1SG-turn.PRS    Nabila    FUT-3SG.FEM-say-FEM     sheykh

{Exactly, when I turn to Nabila she will say “sheykh”.}

Guest 1: Heya t-3aref,                         heya   t-3aref.

                she  3SG.FEM-know.PRS    she    3SG.FEM-know.PRS

{She knows, she knows.}

Host :   Eh.     T-3aref                         Nabila ?

             yes.    3SG.FEM-know.PRS  Nabila

{Yes. Does Nabila know?}

Guest 2: Ana n-qoul-o                      sheykh

                  I      1sg-say.PRS-him         sheykh

{I call him “sheykh”.}

=Host: Akid

              {Of course}

=Guest 2:  wa         howa ye-qoul            dayman  “ma    t-qoul-ou-l-i-sh                          sheykh

      and       he      3SG.MASC-say.PRS    always      NEG   2PL-say-PL.PRS-to-me-NEG     sheykh

ma          t-qoul-ou-l-i-sh                       sheykh         anaya…

NEG     2PL-say-PL.PRS-to-me-NEG      sheykh            I

{And he always says, “don’t call me sheykh, don’t call me sheykh”, but I…}

Guest 1 : Vous            savez,          sheykh,     kelmet sheykh      c’est       un   homme de 

             you-PL      know-2PL.PRS       sheykh      word     sheykh     that is     a     man      of 

 lettres          haj-a              kbir-a.

 letter-PL     thing-FEM     big-FEM

{You know, sheykh, the word sheykh, that is a man of letters, it’s a big thing.}

Un maître     d'école,   comme    vous       le   voy-ez       un    maître     d'école.

A   master   of school     as          you-PL     it    see-2PL   a       master        of school

{A schoolmaster, as you see it, a schoolmaster.}

Host: Ostadhe!

           {teacher}

((Guest 2 proceeds to say something, but gets interrupted))

Guest 1: Ostadhe, wach    t-dir-i?

                 teacher,  what    2SG-do-FEM

{A teacher, what do you do:::?}

Host: Je m’   encline.

      I   REFL  bow

{I bow.} (( Host lowers her head to the guest))

Guest 1:

Voilà!     Had-a              sheykh.

here  that-MASC          sheykh

{There you are! That’s a sheykh.}

Hada         c’est   un     maître!  et    dok     li        y-ji                       w        3and-o        

that-MASC   that is  a     master  and  now  that   3SG-come.PRS    and    at-him.POSS    

talat  sn-een         w             y-ghani             t-qoul-i-l-o                           sheykh.

three  year-PL      and        3SG-sing.PRS     2SG-say-FEM-to-him         sheykh

{That, that is a master! And now you call “sheykh” someone that comes and has three years of singing.}

Host: Ah! Had-i            haja        wahd okhra.    Had    rani                    mou3qf-ate-k.

                 that-FEM     thing       one    other      this    be-1SG.PRS      agree-1SG.FEM-you

{Ah! That’s another thing. Here, I agree with you!}

Guest 1:  Eh.     voilà!

                 yes   here

{Yes, there you are!}

In this example, AA-FR code-switching indicates a change in the participant constellation where the host code switches to FR to introduce Guest 2 into the conversation. This is accompanied by body gestures (i.e., physically turning towards the guest and raising intonation) to signal the turning of  a non-participant into an active participant. Guest 1 code switches from AA to FR to mark his re-participation into the newly established constellation. Guest 2 proceeds to take turn but is disregarded by Guest 1 who continues to address the host. In terms of the switch direction, Guest 1 switches back to AA and uses the term ostadhe (teacher) to accommodate the host’s code preference. After a long pause, the host uses her body language while switching to FR. The long pause may indicate both an attempt to search for the AA equivalent or a form of accommodating her guest’s language preference. The latter is more probable, considering Guest 1 immediately switches to FR (using the interjection Voilà ) to show expressivity towards the previous sequence. Essentially, expressivity is an important factor in the code-switching occurrences in this data. This function is often employed by speakers to express a speaker’s attitude toward other participants (i.e., reactions, interjections, or other lexical elements to show annoyance, agreement, disagreement etc).

Extract 4

Guest 2:

Ana fi   ray-i                     sheykh    howa li          ye-khlaq       errouho    hadik    el-makana

I       in  opinion-POSS    sheykh       he    that     3SG-create     REFL       that     DEF-position

li          ye-wli                         ye-‘athar              fe      el-jil                         t3a   shabab

that     3SG-become.FUT   3SG-influence      in     DEF-generation      of     young-PL

w       ye-t’athr-ou                        bi-h         w        ye-ghno                 be-tariqt-o  

and    3PL-influence.PASS-PL      by-him   and     3PL-sing.PRS       by-way-POSS       

ye-wli                           madrasa

3SG-become.FUT        school

{In my opinion, a sheykh is someone who creates a position for himself, who becomes an influence for the young generation which will sing in his way (…) and thus he becomes a school.}

[Guest 1 : Il      doit      etre un createur…sheykh      ya-khdhou 3alay-h

                  He    must    be     a    creator      sheykh    3PL-take     from-him

{He must be a creator. A sheykh, they take (inspiration) from him.}

Guest 2 : Bien sûr !

{Of course !}

Guest 1 : Oui !

             {Yes !}

Here, Guest 1 code switches to FR to elaborate on what the previous speaker had mentioned. Within the same turn, he code switches to AA to offer additional interpretation on what a sheykh must represent to the youth (i.e., an inspiration). In both instances the function code-switching (AA-FR and vice-versa) marks an emphasis on the message rather than a literal translation of the utterance. Moreover, both speakers conclude with a final switch to FR to mark the end of the sequence.

Extract 5

Guest 1 :

Oui, je    suis un   élève      de…pardon…deux   ans        j'étais    au   conservatoire 

yes   I     am    a   student   of     pardon    two   years     I was   at    conservatory

Abdelkrim Dali    et    bien    ça      m'      a                  fait            du    bien,

Abdelkrim Dali  and   good   this   REFL  be-AUX               do-PTCP    of    good

parce que   je  voulais                pas           rester        dans cette classe.

for    that     I     want-1SG.PST   NEG       stay-INF       in       this    class.

{Yes, I am a student of…pardon me…two years I’ve been at the Abdelkrim Dali conservatory. And well, this did me good, because I did not want to stay in this class.}

Host:  Ma      kont-sh                    hab                 t-god                 fe   el-Andalus

           NEG    be-2SG.PST-NEG     want-INF      2SG-stay.PRS    in   DEF-Andalus

{You did not want to stay in the Andalus.}

Guest 1 : Non je    voulais                    monter   plus        3and    el3onqa.

                  no    I    want-1SG-PST       go  up    more          to         el3onqa

{No. I wanted to go further up towards el3onqa} ((name).

It should be noted that the previous conversation is interrupted by Guest 1. This is indicated by the guest’s request to be pardoned. The extract shows an instance of participant constellation redefinition where the speaker re-introduces himself into the conversation by switching codes. In turn, the host switches to AA to repeat what the guest had previously said. Finally, the guest switches back to FR to elaborate on the host’s utterance.  It should be noted that the guest’s code remains unchanged and shows no pause or word lengthening throughout the sequence. On the one hand, this shows the speaker’s competence (e.g., ability to offer an appropriate response to the other participant) in one code over the other. On another hand, it may be argued that the speaker prefers one code over the other (e.g., opening and closing sequences in the same code). However, the speaker’s preference may be based on personal attitudes and situational judgements.[3]

Extract 6

Host:

Yalla,        awal   haja     n-qoul      3ali-k      n-saqsi-k          kifa      jat-ek

let’s go   first     thing   1SG-say     to-you   1SG-ask-you    how    come-3SG.PST-you

yani               fikrat       insha     safha    li         t-onshour        video-hat   et-taharrosh

3SG-mean     idea     creation  page     that    2SG-publish    video-PL    DEF-harrassment

wa      hadi    el-ashiya’

and     this     DEF-thing-PL

{Let’s go. The first thing I want to say to you, to ask you, how did the idea.I mean. of creating  a page where you publish videos of HARRASSMENT, and things of this sort come to you?}

Guest :

Alors,    c’-est                parti            d’-une    expérience   personelle

so        this-be-3SG     start-PTCP    with a     experience   personal

y3ani              srat                       li-ya     3anaya ween     j'  ai                   été            agressée

3SG-mean      come-2SG.PST   to-me       I        when    I    have-1SG    be-PTCP   aggressed

Alger centre      w    ma       3araft                 wech    n-dir ,              n-3ayet          n-dir

Alger   center   and  NEG  know-1SG.PST     what    1SG-do.PRS   1SG-call.PRS   1SG-do.PRS

haja     ye-dreb-ni          ye-der-l-i            haja     donc  hkemt               telefon         t3ei,

thing   3SG-beat-me     3SG-do-to-me   thing    so      take-1SG.PST    telephone POSS

filmit-o                       qolt-l-o                   wech   rak   t-dir    qolt-l-o                    nass      g3a

film-1SG.PST-him    tell-1SG.PST-him    what    you  2SG-do    tell-1SG.PST-him    people all

tchouf  wech t-dir           .C'     était       fi     Ramdan  donc   oubliet-ha               fi     l-cont

see        what  2SG-do      This was   in  Ramadan   so        forget-1SG.PST-it    in  DEF-account

t3ei    personelle hadhi es-safha       ma          kan-t-sh          g3a     t- existé.

POSS personal      this     DEF-page  NEG         be-3SG-NEG    all     3SG-exist

{So this has started from a personal experience…I mean…it came to me when I was aggressed …in the centre of Alger and I didn’t know what to do, do I call, do I do anything. He will beat me, he will do something to me, so I took my phone out, filmed him and told him “What are you doing”. I told him “Everybody sees what you do”. This was during Ramadan, so I forgot it on my personal account, this page had not existed at all.}

As in previous examples, this section shows that code-switching serves different functions like reiteration and elaboration. Additionally, this example shows that code-switching may be employed to tell a story, introduce, or change a topic and to give quotations. Initially, the guest takes turn with a switch to FR to mark the beginning of the story. Then, switches to AA to repeat the section “this has started with…” and subsequently switches back to FR to continue the story. An interesting aspect of the code usage within this specific turn is the guest’s choice to switch back to AA when giving quotations (i.e., I told him “What are you doing”. I told him “Everybody sees what you do”).

Extract 7

Host 2:

Hal        3and-ek   fikra  ennou safhat-ek       t-khali-ha  t-wouli            jam3ayia        ykoun

INTER   to-you     idea    that     page-your    2SG-let-it   3SG-become  community    3SG-be

mathalan 3andek maqqar fi     ard           el-waq3ea.

example to-you    office     in  ground   DEF-real

Wechno    hadaf-ak    men   khelal hada   as-safha?

what        goal-your    out     of         this     DEF-page

{Did you have any idea that you would let your page become a community, for example that you would have an office on actual ground?}

Guest :

 Alors, n-ekhdem        déjà          m3a    el-jama3iy-at,

 so      1SG-work.PRS  already    with   DEF-community-PL

mais l’objectif           final bien sûr   c’est    d’avoir               jam3ayia         et       travail     en 

but   DEF-objective  final  of course it is    to have-INF    community     and      work        in 

communauté, de faire     des     action-s,    de faire       3amal   khairiya  d’essayer  

community,    to do-INF   INDF   action-PL   to  do-INF  actions   good     to try-INF  

d’aider            par example … ma     n-hadrou-sh     gheir 3ala       et-taharrosh.

to help-INF   for   example… NEG  1SG-talk-NEG     only    about   DEF-harrassment.

{So, I am already working with communities, but the ULTIMATE goal is, of course, to have a community and work in the community, to do actions, to do GOOD actions… to try and help for example. I’m not talking ONLY about harassment.}

In the same manner, the guest switches to FR and repeats certain portions of the sequence in AA. Additionally, within the same turn, the guest switches from FR to AA to repeat and elaborate her answer (e.g., de faire des actions, de faire 3amal khairiya) where she emphasises that good actions are done in the community and the focus is not only on harassment cases.

Conclusion

The application of Auer’s (1984) model of conversational analysis has allowed for determining the functions of code-switching and the participants’ code negotiation in Algerian TV talk shows. Thus, a sequential examination was used to investigate a selection of seven extracts from two different TV talk shows.

This study has revealed that the speakers employ code-switching to fulfil various conversational tasks such as introducing a new topic, changing the topic, showing expressivity, elaborating, reiterating, initiating repair for another speaker, shifting back to the previous sequence, quoting and story-telling. Furthermore, particular attention has been given to body gestures, hesitation, long pauses, and speed of speech. These have played an important role in establishing that some of the participants’ code choice has been influenced by their code competence and/or preference (see extract 5). In addition, this study has revealed that most participants in this study negotiate codes by tending to accommodate the code usage of their co-participants. It may also be argued that frequent patterns of code-switching indicate the speakers’ code preference over another.

Finally, the findings of this study have shown that code-switching is a significant factor in how conversation is organised in that it is employed by speakers as a contextualisation cue which marks the shift from one conversational task to the next.

[1] Transcript convention followed from Alfonzetti 1996:104

. short pause within a turn

… longer pause within a turn

: :: ::: lengthening

XXX capital letters for emphasis

[       overlapping utterances

=        links different parts of a single speaker’s utterance that have been separated to different lines to accommodate an intervening interruption

((    ))  descriptions of some situational details

{ }  translation

[2] This episode includes a debate on how the word sheykh should be defined. As this is outside of the scope of this research, the term will remain untranslated.

[3] Auer, 1984:22

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https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QasL69m9tjE جلسة ونسا | المرأة الناجحة | العدد كاملا | Djelssa Ou Nssa (Women’s session|The Successful Woman|Full episode)

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=M-sARN1_5gc قعدتنا جزايرية | الشيخ القبي و نبيلة والي ضيوف منال غربي | Qa’datna Jazairiya (Our Algerian Gathering | Sheikh Al-Qubbi and Nabila Wali are guests of Manal Gharbi)